3 Juillet 2020
Details.It finds that where social, economic, and technocratic ties to the West were extensive, as in Eastern Europe and the Americas, the external cost of abuse led incumbents to cede power rather than crack down, which led to democratization.Malheureusement, nous n'avons pas reussi a enregistrer votre vote.Levitsky and Way provide several key theoretical contributions to this area of study.Pour sortir de ce carrousel, utilisez votre touche de raccourci d'en-tete pour acceder a l'en-tete suivant ou precedent.I do not angry with this book and it is a good book to read to understand why some people advocate hawk policies.It's a quite convincing argument and a useful reminder for students of comparative politics to not ignore the potentially systematic effects of international shocks.Voir ou suivre vos commandes Tarifs et options de livraison Amazon Prime Retours et remplacements Infos sur notre Marketplace Application Amazon Mobile Amazon Assistant Service Clients. EN SAVOIR PLUS >>>
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In this capacity, he oversees the Democracy and Rule of Law Program, Middle East Program, and Carnegie Europe.Levitsky and Way explored these trends and discussed the questions that they raise.Where incumbents possessed robust coercive and party structures, competitive authoritarian regimes proved durable; where incumbents lacked such organizational tools, regimes were unstable but rarely democratized.His research interests include political parties, political regimes and regime change, and the causes and consequences of institutional weakness, with a focus on Latin America.He is the author of numerous books on democracy promotion.He is author of Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge University Press, 2003); and co-editor of Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness (2005) and Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America (2006). Hybrid Regimes.
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Read more Article From anticommunism to antinationalism: The presidency of Eisenhower and authoritarian direction in 1.Roessler The third wave of democratization and the end of the cold war significantly altered the map of political regimes around the world.The innovative capacity of the former regime and the continuous nature of the transition explain this relevant impact, only partially moderated by the influence of important international actors (EU).Democratization Sarah Birch David Muchlinski Elections are in theory democratic means of resolving disputes and making collective decisions, yet too often force is employed to distort the electoral process.On the basis of the comparison that was carried out, it is possible to conclude that in terms of practical use, each of these analyzed conceptions has its strengths and weaknesses. Competitive.
Based on a detailed study of 35 cases in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and post-communist Eurasia, this book explores the fate of competitive authoritarian regimes between 1990 and 2008. It finds that where social, economic, and technocratic ties to the West were extensive, as in Eastern Europe and the Americas, the external cost of abuse led incumbents to cede power rather than crack down, which led to democratization. Where ties to the West were limited, external democratizing pressure was weaker and countries rarely democratized. In these cases, regime outcomes hinged on the character of state and ruling party organizations. Where incumbents possessed developed and cohesive coercive party structures, they could thwart opposition challenges, and competitive authoritarian regimes survived; where incumbents lacked such organizational tools, regimes were unstable but rarely democratized..
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Request PDF | On Jan 1, 2012, Dan Slater and others published Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War by Steven Levitsky; Lucan A. Way | Find, read and cite all the research you need on ResearchGate